May 31, 2010

Memorial Day 2010

Future years will never know the seething hell and the black infernal background, the countless minor scenes and interiors of the secession war; and it is best they should not. The real war will never get in the books. -Walt Whitman


I would like to express my deepest condolences to the families who have lost loved ones in the line of duty. Our men and women in the military, who fight for our freedom, ensure that our rights are preserved and are owed our deepest admiration and gratitude. I would also like to convey my sincerest thanks to our men and women in uniform, both past and present, for their decision to serve and for keeping America safe.
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May 21, 2010

Apologist for Gender Apartheid

The following is an article I wrote for Campus Watch, a project of the Middle East Forum. The article was initially posted at FrontPageMag and has been cross-posted at the Assyrian International News Agency.

On May 7, 2010, UCLA's Center for Near Eastern Studies (CNES) and the Journal of Middle East Women's Studies co-sponsored the lecture, "Rethinking Arab Women as 'Subjects.'" The talk was delivered by Suad Joseph, a Lebanese-born professor of anthropology and women's studies at UC Davis, and president-elect of the Middle East Studies Association (MESA), the principal professional organization for scholars of the region. Joseph, who has co-edited a book with CNES director Susan Slyomovics, is considered a pioneer in the field of Middle East women's studies, accolades which--as is, sadly, often the case--translates into apologetics for the oppression of Middle Eastern women.

Joseph announced she was perturbed about the title of her lecture; she couldn't decide whether "Arab" was an appropriate term to use for identification purposes. Yet, she contradicted herself (and followed the Arabist practice of her discipline) by referring to the Middle East exclusively as the "Arab world" and by questioning the identities of Jews, Assyrians, Chaldeans, and other distinctive, regional minorities. She wondered why these groups perceive themselves as separate from Arabs when the answer is readily apparent both in the distinctive histories of theses peoples and in their persecution at the hands of Arab Muslim majorities. The very term "Arab"--often used arbitrarily to describe anything Middle Eastern--is loaded with a perilous and extreme nationalism that has made ethnic minorities such as Mizrahi Jews and Assyrians victims of the majority.

Joseph questioned, and at times denounced, studies examining the status quo of women in the Middle East. She argued that the representation of Arab women as subjects is a "problematic category and necessary one," and that there is serious fault with characterizations--particularly in Western research and media--of Arab women as the victims of patriarchy, culture, politics, and religion. Instead, Joseph contended, notions of self are changing and malleable.

Predictably for contemporary Middle East studies, Joseph paid tribute to Edward Said's deeply flawed book Orientalism, which helps explain her rejection of any implied Western superiority regarding women's rights. In asserting that Westerners shouldn't assume women in the Middle East wish to imitate secular, Westernized women, she encapsulated the ideology widespread on college campuses: multiculturalism, a form of cultural relativism that denies the ability to judge non-Western cultures on their merits, and which, in practice, judges all non-Western cultures as superior. She made no reference to universal human rights or to the possible reasons for rising Arab immigration to secular European nations and to North America.

Joseph asserted that Arab women are the "most relationship-driven" of any with which she has worked. She described Americans, in contrast, as less "relationship-driven" and American women as having fewer expectations than their Arab counterparts. Joseph offered no factual evidence for either of these preposterous claims. Given the grave circumstances under which many Arab women live, one would think it is they who are forced to have fewer expectations and not, as Joseph contended, Western women.

Incredibly, Joseph theorized that Arab women want to be claimed by men, and therefore have no objection to being subjects of a patriarchal and theocratic society in which their individual rights are abridged. The audience, which appeared to consist mostly of Center for Near Eastern Studies and Women's Studies faculty, nodded their heads in agreement with this troubling statement. In fact, those gathered reacted favorably to the lecture overall and asked no challenging questions of the speaker. Overwhelming (if understated) evidence of the systematic and institutionalized abuse of Middle Eastern women didn't seem to factor into the equation.

In many regions of the Middle East, the basic standing of women and the attitude of men towards them are pre-modern. Were this not so, there would be no honor killings, female genital mutilation, child marriage, or legitimized wife-beating. Moreover, the West should consider the disturbing social implications for its societies as these barbaric customs are imported through Muslim immigration.

If I may end on a personal note: As a woman of Middle Eastern origin, the situation of women in the Middle East has always fascinated and troubled me. Although I come from a very traditional Middle Eastern family--albeit Jewish--the women in my family have always been empowered and independent. Therefore, I find it extremely difficult to come to terms with the theory that Middle Eastern women are a different breed who welcome abuse for some twisted concept of maintaining a "relationship-driven" society.

If one believes, as I do, in fundamental human rights, there are moral principles that define our basic freedoms. Middle Eastern women's rights activists such as Shirin Ebadi and Ayaan Hirsi Ali do not excuse the misogynistic and theocratic elements in their native countries. Instead, they demand freedom, even in the face of their abusers and of Western apologists.

Unfortunately, Joseph's lecture belongs in the latter category, demonstrating yet again that Middle Eastern women who seek intellectual and moral support from Western professors of Middle East studies will come away disappointed.

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May 20, 2010

Anniversary of the 'Farhud'

According to the Jewish calendar, the 69th anniversary of the Farhud, an event comparable to Kristallnacht for Iraqi Jews, falls this week. The term Farhud denotes a "violent dispossession," a pogrom which took place on June 1, 1941 during the traditional Jewish harvest festival holiday of Shavuot.

In a two-day period Arab mobs went on a rampage in Baghdad and other cities in Iraq. Nearly 150 Jews were killed and more than 2,000 injured, some 900 Jewish homes were destroyed and looted, and hundreds of Jewish-owned shops were robbed and destroyed. With the complicity of Iraqi police and military, mobs looted from Jews and brutally raped and killed fellow citizens simply because they practiced a different religion.

The pogrom of 1941 was the culmination of a campaign to destroy an ancient Jewish population. Yet very little attention has ever been given to the campaign against the Jews of modern Iraq. With the exception of the Babylonian Jewry Heritage Center, not a single museum, including notable Holocaust museums, focus on the Nazi links of the very influential Haj Amin al-Husseini and his aggression against Middle Eastern Jewry.

The Farhud is a crucial historical event because it was the catalyst for the end of 2700 years of Jewish presence in Iraq. Jews had flourished in Iraq 1200 years prior to the Muslim conquest in 634 AD. The Farhud also points to the link between Nazism and Islamic extremism, a connection often overlooked.

Although he was initially convicted by the British authorities who controlled the spoils of the Turkish Empire, also known as the Palestine Mandate, for inciting a campaign of violence against Jews in the 1920s, Amin al-Husseini was eventually pardoned by the British High Commissioner Sir Herbert Samuel. It has been theorized that the British believed pacifying al-Husseini and appointing him the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem would alleviate the turmoil in the region. Yet al-Husseini never wavered from his position of eradicating the Jewish presence from the region and used his newly established powers to further inflame mobs.

Haj Amin al-Husseini, now the Mufti of Jerusalem, became a Nazi agent after meeting Adolf Eichmann who was an architect of the Holocaust. With Nazi funds al-Husseini organized the Arab Revolt of 1936-39. The Mufti obtained Hitler's assurance in 1941 that after dealing with the Jews of Europe, the Nazis would treat the Jews of the Middle East similarly.

Ultimately, one must ask how the ethnic cleansing of an ancient community of 150,000 people has been totally ignored and forgotten. And yet, the experiences of Iraq's Jewish population is not an anomaly among Middle Eastern Jews. Around a million Middle Eastern Jews, including my family, became refugees and endured in tiny, transit camps for years in a poverty-stricken and newly created Israel. Today, fewer than 3,000 Jews remain in Middle Eastern lands, many living in poverty and fear.
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